More of the Same – Capitalist Rule is Doomed to Fail

All the worst aspects of bourgeois rule today are encapsulated in the Government of the 34th Dáil. The coalition is led by Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil, while also including a group of independents of various shades, notably pulled together by Michael Lowry, a “business man” with various corruption and tax evasion scandals under his belt. The government formed following years of anti-popular rule and strong disdain from the working class. The order of the day was clear: maintain and continue the brazen rule of capital in Ireland.

The 34th Dáil emerged after years of prolonging the housing crisis and record homelessness, increasing unemployment and mass dissatisfaction from the people. Unfazed by this, the government has put in its sights a different priority: the final removal of the Triple Lock legislation and the end of military neutrality of the state. What we’ve seen since the beginning of this term have been nothing short of open attacks on the institutions of military neutrality and closer and closer steps towards NATO alignment.

The actions of this government come not from an abstract political will which considers the needs of the people, rather they reflect complete alignment and support for the capitalist class in Ireland. The rule of capital can no longer sit with military neutrality in the 26 counties, and in the context of heightening tensions within the imperialist system, threatening the outbreak of further conflicts around the globe, the state is steadfast in its intention to rapidly enhance the size and capability of its military.

James Connolly wrote famously that governments in capitalist societies are nothing “but committees of the rich to manage the affairs of the capitalist class”. In the age of imperialism, this manifests through direct corruption, lobbying, consistent networking and sometimes even politicians sitting directly on the boards of large financial firms. All of these examples are common in the South. Direct corruption is evident through the countless scandals that have emerged, where contracts are tendered to private developers with massively inflated budgets, while massive amounts of public funds are handed over to outsourcing firms, which employ contract workers on shocking terms and conditions. These “jobs for the boys” have been a consistent hallmark of capitalist governance in Ireland. Corruption is not just a sign of moral degradation, it is inherent to the capitalist state in all its forms.

The largest lobbying group of the Irish capitalist class is the Irish Business and Employers’ Confederation (IBEC), which maintains a very close relationship with government parties and strongly contributes to specific campaigns. IBEC is vocal in cases where government policy steps on the toes of the interests of their constituents, a clear example of this was in July, when IBEC director general Danny McCoy raised the alarm about how the “lack of defense spending” and the Occupied Territories bill could damage the position of Irish firms in the US and EU.

The common thread here is that the state apparatus in capitalist society is structured in accordance with the relations of production. Each department of the state and legislative body is built around maintaining the status quo. This is not a conspiracy; it can be directly traced to the origins of the state and the foundations upon which it was built.

How did we get here?

Fine Gael was born in 1933 out of the merging of several reactionary bourgeois parties, namely Cumann na nGaedheal, the National Centre Party, and importantly, the fascist Army Comrades Association (ACA) aka the ‘Blueshirts’. Cumman na nGaedheal, led by W.T Cosgrave, was the party that first took power in the Irish Free State, formed in the 26-counties following the War of Independence. CnaG had its origins in the remnants of the Irish Parliamentary Party, as well as in the right-wing Griffithite section of Sinn Féin. The large Irish capitalists (brewers, financiers, railway enterprises etc.) had previously been represented by the IPP, seeking greater autonomy within the Union through Home Rule, but as the independence struggle developed, their support consolidated behind Sinn Féin, despite the widespread condemnation of 1916 from the bourgeois press. After 1921, they had resolved the contradiction they faced with British rule, and so they gave full support to the political forces within Sinn Féin which would crush those fighting for not only a national revolution, but a social one as well. The first CnaG government was responsible for some of the worst atrocities against revolutionaries during the Civil War, while also overseeing a coordinated attack on the conditions of the working class following the economic crises of capitalism in the late 20s and early 30s, fully backing the capitalist class in any dispute with organised labour.

Not long after this, the first Fianna Fáil government stepped up in 1932. The policy of FF under De Valera was slightly different to its predecessor in its approach to political and economic relations with Britain. Taking a protectionist approach to trade, the FF government of 1932 sought to strengthen certain sections of the Irish bourgeoisie through a trade war with Britain. Using the pretext of the struggle over the payment of land annuities, the policy of the De Valera government sought to bolster the economic position of smaller manufacturers and mid-sized farmers. The Party used bourgeois nationalism to sow illusions among the working class as to the nature of the government and their economic policy, and distract them from the mass unemployment and stark exploitation of the time. This tactic was successful in many respects, with the government, viewed as acting in an “anti-imperialist” fashion, won over the support of some on the Irish left. This opportunist position was present in the Labour Party as well as in the Communist and Republican movements.

Since the mid 20th century, government leadership has changed hands regularly between FF and FG, occasionally taking the form of coalition governments with smaller parties, the most common orientation being FG with Labour as the junior party. These coalitions have time and time again exposed the trends of opportunism on the Left, when Labour represented not the interests of the working class, despite their slogans and phrase-mongering, but instead have consistently defended the rule of capital in the face of exploitation and oppression. Social democracy makes grandiose claims about what reforms it can achieve for working people, but capitulates almost entirely to capitalist interests as soon as it enters government. This was seen through the Labour Party’s attempt to implement water charges after the 2008 financial crash. The broad base of social democracy and the leadership of opportunism on the left has now shifted to Sinn Féin, but much like with Labour, the prospect of a Sinn Féin government only offers a different instance of capitalist rule. As James Connolly said “only the Irish working class remain as the incorruptible inheritors of the fight for freedom in Ireland”, only an independent working class party can represent the interests of freedom in Irish society today.

The Rule of FG and FF Today

The joint rule of FG and FF in coalition governments is nothing but a joint agreement to rule on behalf of the Irish capitalists. Following the full integration of the South into the EEC, and later the EU, the perceived differences between FG and FF have become less stark. Both parties stand for an Ireland which is politically, economically, and militarily aligned with the European Union and its institutions. This stance is not simply to do with some form of direct subjugation of the Irish state and people by the EU, rather it represents the best decision for Irish monopolies in the pursuit of maximising their profits. While it is of course true that the economic relationships between Ireland and those EU member states higher up in the imperialist hierarchy are in fact unequal, it is clear that the strategy of the Irish bourgeoisie is to benefit from the access to markets, trade routes, natural resources and influence that comes with being part of the EU.

In the face of this consensus among the Irish capitalist class, FF/FG have ruled for the most part on the basis of implementing the EUs plans for austerity. The FG and Labour government through barefaced privatisation and austere measures helped mitigate the crisis on behalf of the capitalists, shifting the burden of debt on the working class through strongly anti-popular measures.

In recent times, it has also become popular within FG and FF to openly discuss the topic of unity. Since Brexit and the growth of SF, there has emerged the question for the Irish bourgeoisie of the possibility of a united Irish state. The prospects of a unified, capitalist and militarised Irish state which is integrated into NATO, represents possibly a very advantageous outcome for the country’s position within the imperialist hierarchy. The vision for a united Ireland purveyed by the ruling parties and SF would merely be an extension of the current 26 county state north. This “solution” fails to address the most important issues faced by the Irish working class as a result of partition. The fact of the matter is that there is no bourgeois solution to partition which addresses the needs of the Irish working class. Only when a decisive struggle is fought on behalf of that class, which overthrows the existing social relations, can the basis of imperialism in Ireland, British or otherwise, be severed once and for all.

Since 2022, after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Irish bourgeoisie has been hellbent on “catching up” with its European counterparts in the military sector. The plans of the FF/FG government to accelerate militarisation were reflected in the most recent budget. In the context of the shift of the European Commission from the “green economy” to that of a military focus, the 26 county government has tied itself to multiple EU projects, such as the Security Action For Europe (SAFE) act, which provides up to €150 billion in loans for “urgent defense spending” to EU member states.

In the current era of imperialism, which can be expressed in the shortest terms as the rule of monopoly capital, the rule of the Irish bourgeoisie and how it manifests cannot be separated from the international situation. Monopolies which control entire industries have created the ability to plan production on a global scale, hence the competition and agreements between different bourgeois elements become international, and decisively linked with the policies of entire states.

The rule of FF/FG over the next decade will develop in accordance with the situation of the global economy. The continuing trend towards a decline in the rate of profit globally and the threat of another crisis looming, there is a clear shift towards austerity and the increase of exploitation across the globe. Ireland is not unique in this vein. The rule of FG and FF has already begun to express a more barefaced antagonism to the working class than was previously visible on the surface.

The Fight against FF/FG and Capitalist Rule

The struggle against the rule of FG and FF must be underlined by an intensification of struggle on behalf of the Irish working class. This struggle must be waged on the following terms:

• Intensification of the class struggle in the economic sphere, the struggle of Irish communists against the social democratic and pro-establishment leadership of the trade union movement and the building of a militant, class-orientated trade union movement.
• The struggle against all forms of capitalist rule. Recognition of the fact that the rule of capital does not end with ousting FG and FF from government, capitalism cannot be reformed piece by piece. The social basis for the rule of the bourgeoisie must be eliminated.
• The emphasis on the unbroken link between unity and socialism. True unity and separation from Britain can only be achieved through the decisive victory of the class struggle.
• Recognition of the international character of the imperialist system, through the struggle against imperialist war and Ireland’s involvement within it. The struggle against NATO in the north and the encroachments towards it in the south must be intensified and made popular as the international situation intensifies.

Each of these points serve to aid the Irish working class in preparation for its historic mission. The overthrow of the capitalist system and the ushering in of a socialist republic. To this end, the communist movement in Ireland must be able to rise to the task of building organic ties with the working class and expanding its ranks with the most militant elements of it. Through its experience in workers organisations such as trade unions, it must train the working class in the arena of class struggle, and demonstrate to it that organisation is its greatest weapon. The CYM, through its branches across the country, is preparing the youth in the spheres of trade union, university and school organising in the fight against capitalism. We are committed to the aims and objectives of such a militant communist movement, and continue to advocate for a better future on behalf of the Irish working youth.